While Greek and Turkish Cypriots each have a propensity to emphasize what a federation will deliver each of their individual communities, neither it seems is ready to risk speaking about the purpose, role and advantage of the federal centre. With the issue of territory left to the relevant Working Group on territory, few Cypriots have imagined up to now the concept of ‘federal areas’ as a kind of ‘third way.’ Getting ready to form a federation which will bind the two main communities (with other Cypriots) together, many Cypriots have tended to focus on what is going to be devolved to the constituent state and not what is going to be shared, yet on this path to federalism one feels compels to ask: where are all the federalists? In a battle between two ‘opposing’ sides can there be a third way? 

‘THIRD ZONE’

Turkish Cypriot daily Afrika Gazete first proposed the idea of a ‘third zone’ on March 2 2002. According to Emerson and Tocci, the newspaper suggested a “constitutional structure with three regions and two communities.” “The third (bicommunal) region would be governed by the federal authorities and would comprise of 24% of the island’s territory.” Such a move it is claimed would bring the territory of Greek Cypriots to 52% and Turkish Cypriots to 24%. Bearing some similarity to the Brussels – Capital Region, which is a third region within the bi-ethnic federation of Belgium a third bicommunal zone would create a certain area in which the communities could start living together again, as Flemings and Walloons do in Brussels.  

BRUSSELS – CAPITAL REGION

It is not the first time Cypriots have looked to Belgium for ideas; the attraction of the Belgian Model is justified since Belgium is also an EU state like Cyprus and a bi-ethnic federation, which Cyprus is aiming to become.

We often think of Belgians as being either French or Flemish speaking. But Article 3 of the Belgian Constitution institutes three regions: the Walloon Region, the Flemish Region and the Brussels-Capital Region. The Brussels –Capital Region (Région de Bruxelles-Capitale / Brusselse Hoofdstedelijke Gewest) is not a part of Flanders or a part of Wallonia but a separate bi-lingual region with its own government within Belgium. Brussels possesses such state symbols as a flag, yet it is nonetheless the capital of both the French Community of Belgium (Communauté française de Belgique in French) and of Flanders (Vlaanderen).

According to a website of the French-speaking community of Belgium, “these public authorities (like the region of Brussels-Capital) are provided with political institutions with legislative power exercised by an assembly of elected members and executive power exercised by a government with the assistance of technocrats with financial means.” As the Belgian federal system is asymmetrical, institutions within each region can change the way it operates to suit its local conditions. In Brussels this flexibility has led the internal structures to be designed to accommodate the presence of Flemish and French speakers.

Borrowing from this model, Afrika Gazete suggested that bicommunal joint councils are established in towns shared by both Greek and Turkish Cypriots. It was suggested that a joint Nicosia council or a joint Famagusta – Varosha Council be formed as the Greek and Turkish Cypriot townsfolk in both areas already lived in the same town, shared a common sewage system, suffered from the same local problems such as pollution, water shortage, energy shortage etc.

However, Emerson and Tocci questioned whether the ‘third zone’ would create more problems than it solved. It was asked whether Turkish Cypriots in particular would want some of their territory under federal control as it would reduce how much territory they had, if the creation of a third state would create problems of political balance and complicate issues such as refugee return. The past Denktash leadership later rejected the idea; clearly territory and its size is a key issue for both communities.  

‘FEDERAL AREAS’

Six years on after the rejection of the Annan Plan and during a period of renewed optimism for a solution, the concept of a third zone has developed into the concept of ‘federal areas.’ Proposed by Professor Costas Carras in the current issue of the Friends of Cyprus report as a submission to the Working Group on territory, Carras does not state any major increase or decease in territory akin to the aforementioned ‘third zone’ concept, but takes a more practical approach. Carras proposes that a federal area could be of any size. It could simply be the walled city of Nicosia alone or just the locality / area where the Federal government parliament, ministries and agencies lie. Carras’ proposal is somewhat similar to the current situation in the United States (one of the oldest federations) where Washington DC the seat of government and capital is regarded as federal territory. Federal areas exist too within each sub-national unit. According to Mitch Modeleski and Richard McDonald in their article “The Story of the Buck Act” “the federal government created ‘Federal areas’ within the boundaries of all the several states. These areas are similar to any territory that the federal government acquires through purchase, conquest or treaty, thereby imposing federal territorial law upon all people in these "Federal areas". Falling within these federal areas are schools, courtrooms, federal government agencies and military zones – all of which fly the federal or national flag.  

‘PROTECTIVE ZONES’

Furthermore, Carras suggests that federal areas could act as a kind of protective zone. “Cyprus is endowed with a wealth of monuments and archaeological sites” such areas would also be key candidates to come under federal responsibility and be designated as federal areas, Carras argues.

Cultural heritage and nature conservation sites too would ideally form part of federal areas. The villages of minorities whose cultural heritage is under threat or seriously endangered may also be better protected within these protective zones. An example is the four Maronite villages of north western Cyprus, which up to now has incontestably been added within the confines of the Greek Cypriot Constituent state, where Maronite fears of assimilation will no doubt continue as it does now.  

AREAS OF COEXISTENCE

Such federal areas could also contain Villages such as Pile / Pyla, where coexistence has continued uninterrupted and where the inhabitants may not desire to choose one constituent state or another. In the case of Pyla / Pile, which currently lies in the Dhekelia Sovereign Base Area the difficult decision will have to made as to which constituent state the mixed village will belong to negotiations for reunification are under way. The irony is, while the rest of Cyprus reunifies, the age old sense of coexistence in Pyla / Pile could be destroyed.

Similarly, refugees returning to mixed villages too may not necessarily want their Greek or Turkish Cypriot neighbours to leave since many would have childhood friends from that community and positive experiences of coexistence in that village. Federal areas would thus remove a hard but unnecessary choice many Cypriots would be forced to make.  

THIRD CHOICE THIRD WAY

Habituated to thinking monoculturally as a result of 33 years of division, many Cypriots think only within the limits of their respective community. Postponing everything until after a solution, it is often said: “We can cross that bridge when we come to it.” Understandably both communities need to market the idea of a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation first to their own communities using their own chosen emphasis and language and there needs to be enough popular support for reunification. But as Technical Committees and Working Groups are effectively designing the future Cyprus it is the best time to put forward ideas to the architects of a federal Cyprus.

In a problem where very often there are only ever two choices, ‘federal areas’ present a real third choice and third way. Entirely practical for a federal state to have federal areas, these areas would provide breathing space and flexibility for Cypriots, and would be ideal for promoting coexistence. A federal area containing Nicosia would share the administration of the city with all its city folk who are already united in their common urban problems. Psychologically, federal areas would play a pivotal role in eradicating feelings of division that would continue to exist after a solution.